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OCCUPATION AND FRAGMENTATION OF SYRIA: NEOCOLONIAL PLAN AGAINST RESISTANCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST

SHARAA: “WE STARTED WITH ONLY FIVE PEOPLE”

“WE OVERTHREW THE SYRIAN REGIME ENTIRELY WITH OUR OWN MEANS”

A COLOSSAL LIE

Sharaa says:

“There were only five people with me. We started this with five people.”

He claims that they overthrew the Syrian government entirely through their own strength and resources.

This is a colossal lie.

Sharaa does not even possess the political capacity to bring three people together on his own.

His brain is the United States.

He is a collaborator of US imperialism.

He has nothing to offer the people.

He is one of those servants whom the United States took by the ear and placed in the seat of power.

The process which Sharaa now claims was achieved “through our own means” began in 2011.

It was built through the financial support of Saudi Arabia and Qatar, weapons supplied by the United States, and logistical support provided through Turkey.

Within this structure of Turkish, Kurdish and Arab collaborationism serving US imperialism, Mazloum Abdi was assigned the Kurdish wing and Sharaa the Arab wing.

Their task is clear:

To construct neo-colonial relations in Syria.

To cooperate with Israel against the Arab peoples.

To serve as the military force of the US strategy for domination in the region.

The fragmentation of Syria is part of a programme of neo-colonisation aimed at destroying the fronts of resistance against imperialism throughout the Middle East.

The Syrian people and the peoples of the world know that Sharaa and Abdi are nothing more than puppets.

Their attempts to conceal their collaborationism arise from their fear of the people.

They seek to hide their real role in order to serve imperialism more effectively and present themselves as legitimate representatives of the people.

THOSE WHO LEGITIMISE THE OCCUPATION OF SYRIA ALSO LEGITIMISE SHARAA

The SDF, which has helped legitimise the occupation of Syria and the rule of Sharaa, has also been legitimised by Kurdish nationalism and by opportunist and reformist sections of the Turkish left.

The Front kept opportunism within the ranks of revolution.

It kept it on an anti-imperialist and anti-fascist line.

It kept it within the ranks of armed and illegal struggle.

It kept it within the ranks of resistance.

Kurdish nationalist opportunism, however, transformed it into a military force serving the United States and pushed it towards a reformist and parliamentarist line.

This is the political consequence of replacing anti-imperialist struggle with collaboration with imperialism.

ON THE LANDS OF ANATOLIA, WE WILL NEVER ALLOW THIS COLLABORATIONISM!

We will never allow collaborationism to be legitimised.

We will never allow the lands of Anatolia to be turned into a base from which other peoples are attacked and massacred.

We will never accept the use of our peoples, our land and our resources in the service of imperialist plans against the peoples of Syria, Palestine, Lebanon, Iran or any other people of the Middle East.

AGAINST IMPERIALISM AND COLLABORATIONISM, WE WILL DEFEND THE BROTHERHOOD OF THE PEOPLES AND RESISTANCE!

AHMED SHARAA: “WE STARTED THIS WITH FIVE PEOPLE”

In an interview he gave to Qatar-based Al Jazeera television, Ahmed Sharaa said:

“We overthrew the Syrian regime entirely through our own means, without receiving any external support.”

“I came to Damascus and the real work began here. I stayed here for around ten months. Then I went to Deir ez-Zor. Afterwards I went to Aleppo and Idlib. There were only five people with me. We started this with five people.”

Ahmed Sharaa’s claim that they brought down the Syrian regime “without receiving any support” is a distortion that contradicts historical and concrete facts.

The process that Sharaa says “we accomplished through our own means” actually began in 2011. It was built through the financial support of Saudi Arabia and Qatar, arms assistance from the United States and logistical support provided by Turkey.

Al-Nusra changing its name first to Jabhat Fatah al-Sham and then to HTS was not, as Sharaa claims, a “domestic and national political transformation”; it was a legitimisation — a cosmetic operation — carried out by US imperialism.

On the other side of this process stood Kurdish nationalism.

The PKK/YPG used the ideological cover of the “War Against ISIS” to legitimise the occupation of Syria and condemned an important section of the Turkish left to tailing this bourgeois nationalist line.

However, while telling this enormous lie, Sharaa also revealed how the imperialist project began when he confessed:

“We started this with five people.”

THE “GANG OF FIVE” WAS NOT A VANGUARD FORCE — THEY WERE THE GANGS OF IMPERIALISM!

Social upheavals and revolutions cannot be explained by the “genius of individuals” or by the will of “five devoted people”.

The collapse of an order or the transfer of political power becomes possible through the maturation of relations of production, class contradictions and objective social conditions.

Sharaa’s admission about “five people” shows that this movement was not a people’s movement arising from within the Syrian people.

The Syrian people did not join these five people.

These five could only be expanded into a force of several thousand through mercenary gang members transported by imperialism from Libya, Turkey and other countries.

HTS took Damascus on 8 December with a force of only a few hundred people.

In other words, Damascus was handed over to Sharaa by US imperialism.

These five people were created in order to distort the Syrian people’s demand for freedom and surrender Syria to imperialism.

They were gangs recruited and trained by imperialist intelligence services — the CIA and MI6 — and by reactionary collaborationist partners in the Middle East, drawn from US occupation camps in Iraq such as Camp Bucca, and created in order to break the Syrian people’s struggle against imperialism and Zionism.

For an organisation to claim to be “independent”, it must rely upon its own resources and its own strength.

Yet HTS is not even an organisation; it is a gang of killers!

From the first years of the war, the United States was already providing weapons, Qatar and Saudi Arabia were financing the operations, Israel was providing intelligence, while Turkey organised the coordination and logistics of the entire process.

Weapons such as the BGM-71 TOW anti-tank missiles supplied by the CIA were among the main guarantees behind the advance of these gangs.

Without the BGM-71 TOW anti-tank missiles that destroyed Syrian armoured forces, and without the logistical and secure routes provided through Turkey — MİT trucks and shipments of weapons and ammunition — HTS could not have survived in Syria for even a single day.

The logistical, financial and military connections of the war were directly managed by imperialist powers.

The admissions of representatives of the imperialist system and their collaborators in the region completely refute Sharaa’s lie that “we received no outside support”.

For example, former Qatari Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassim openly compared the intervention in Syria to a “hunting operation” and admitted that, together with their allies — Saudi Arabia, the United States and Turkey — they poured billions of dollars into armed groups and that coordination was carried out through military bases in Turkey.

US President Donald Trump said, “We saved Syria” and “Without them we could not have succeeded,” explaining that reactionary collaborationist gangs in the region had been used as a battering ram for US strategic interests.

Furthermore, in 2019, when the United States carried out precision air strikes against leaders of Tanzim Hurras al-Din who were opposed to Sharaa, this demonstrated that imperialism had taken Sharaa under its protection in the region.

SHARAA’S VISUAL TRANSFORMATION OVER TIME

The fragmentation of Syria is a neo-colonialist programme aimed at destroying the fronts of resistance against imperialism in the Middle East.

The fragmentation of Syria is a “neo-colonialism” programme designed to eliminate the fronts of resistance against imperialism throughout the Middle East.

The AKP government bears one of the greatest responsibilities for implementing this project.

By opening routes for truckloads of weapons, it prepared the infrastructure that allowed reactionary gangs to enter and occupy Damascus.

In his interview, Sharaa says:

“The elimination of the former regime was necessary not only for Syria but for the entire region. While focusing on the military dimension of the struggle against the deposed regime, we were simultaneously carrying out preparations for the reconstruction process.”

In other words, we can understand why the United States, the AKP government, Qatar and Saudi Arabia provided this support.

This neo-colonial occupation was primarily necessary for the United States and its collaborators.

THE CHANGE OF NAME FROM AL-NUSRA TO HTS — FROM THE TURBAN TO THE NECKTIE — IS IMPERIALISM’S METHOD OF LEGITIMISING GANG LEADER SHARAA!

It is an ideological illusion.

The transformation from al-Nusra to Jabhat Fatah al-Sham and then to HTS was not an internal evolution or ideological “moderation”.

It was a strategy by US imperialism to present its collaborationist gangs to the peoples of the world as “legitimate interlocutors”.

This legitimisation was carried out directly through the media of the imperialist countries.

After gang leader Sharaa occupied Damascus, this cosmetic operation continued.

The images with turbans were replaced by images in suits and ties.

All of this was done to cosmetically transform and legitimise Sharaa, the gang leader accused in the text of brutal violence, enslavement of women and torture and killings directed particularly against the Alawite people.

The clearest evidence, according to the text, that HTS under gang leader Sharaa became a loyal collaborator of imperialism is what happened in 2019.

When Tanzim Hurras al-Din — the al-Qaeda-loyalist group that opposed HTS’s collaboration with imperialism — put Sharaa under pressure on the ground, US military aircraft intervened and eliminated Sharaa’s opponents with precision missiles.

The United States became a military protection shield for maintaining gang leader Sharaa’s dominance in the region.

Al-Nusra’s change of name first to Jabhat Fatah al-Sham and then to HTS was not, as Sharaa claims, a “domestic and national political transformation”; it was a legitimisation — cosmetic — operation carried out by US imperialism.

GANG LEADER AHMAD SHARAA IS A COLLABORATOR OF ISRAEL AND THE UNITED STATES!

Ahmed Sharaa, who poses on the streets of Damascus under the title of “President of Syria”, has himself confirmed his complete dependence on the imperialist order by announcing that he is seeking a “security agreement” with Israel.

The United States removing Syria from its “terror list” is presented in the text as an indication that Sharaa has been positioned not to protect the interests of the people but as a new local collaborator of the imperialist order, tasked with taking control of Syrian territory and the Syrian people.

If you stand with US imperialism, you are a “freedom fighter”; if you stand against it, you are a “terrorist”.

This is how Sharaa and Syria were removed from the terror list.

It is an honour to be on the United States’ “terror” list.

The process that has taken place in Syria is described as a counter-revolutionary and neo-colonialist partition operation implemented through the partnership of imperialism, regional collaborationist reaction — Qatar and Saudi Arabia — and collaborationist governments such as the AKP, with its Ottoman ambitions.

Ahmed Sharaa and his “gang of five” are nothing more than collaborationist armed gangs of imperialism that drove the Syrian people into refugee status, poverty and destruction.

Since occupying Syria, these gangs have, the source says, carried out massacres using barbaric methods, particularly against the Alawite people.

Because, according to the article, this is why they are there:

To torture the peoples who possess a dynamic of resistance by the most brutal methods and force them into submission.

Imperialism must continually repartition markets, raw-material resources and strategic routes.

The occupation of Syria through its collaborators is a neo-colonisation programme designed to bring the entire region under control.

The AKP government, driven by Ottoman ambitions and the desire to consolidate its power by being one of the most loyal servants of US imperialism, took on the role of logistical base and battering ram in this project.

Sharaa’s words in the interview are messages of submission to imperialism and occupying Israel!

Although Sharaa claimed on Al Jazeera that Syria would not abandon its rights over the illegally occupied Golan Heights, immediately afterwards he openly admitted that he was seeking a “security agreement” with Israel.

This is presented as a declaration that the anti-imperialist tradition of the Syrian state is being liquidated and replaced with a collaborationist gang state compatible with Zionism and colonialism.

It was imperialism’s tanks, money and political sponsorship that brought gang leader Sharaa into Syria and seated him in the seat of power in Damascus.

IT WAS THE SDF — THAT IS, THE PKK — THAT LEGITIMISED THE OCCUPATION OF SYRIA AND KILLER SHARAA!

Marxist-Leninist ideology teaches us to seek the roots of nationalism not in intentions but in material economic relations and class interests.

Nationalism, by its origin and development, is a bourgeois ideology.

Its purpose is to divide the internationalist unity of the working class along ethnic, religious or national lines and subordinate the working masses to the interests of the collaborationist bourgeoisie and global colonial capital.

The occupation and neo-colonisation process in Syria was carried out through HTS and the PKK — SDF/YPG — feeding one another.

US imperialism could not have legitimised the occupation of Syria without the Kurdish nationalist movement.

The source argues that Sharaa’s financial and military dependence on imperialism is equivalent to the relationship established by the PKK/YPG with US imperialism.

The PKK/YPG used the ideological cover of the “War Against ISIS” to legitimise the occupation of Syria and condemned an important section of the Turkish left to tailing this bourgeois nationalist line.

During the first days of what the source describes as the occupation of Syria by US-backed gangs, while Alawites were being brutally massacred in Latakia and Tartus, Mazloum Abdi posed shaking hands with Sharaa.

THE KURDISH NATIONALIST MOVEMENT BEARS THE GREATEST RESPONSIBILITY FOR LEGITIMISING HTS’S MASSACRES!

It presented HTS — machete-wielding gangs — to the peoples of the world as friends whose hands could be shaken.

PKK presented these forces to the world as friends despite allegations of rape, violence against children, humiliation of Alawites, enslavement of women and brutal killings.

This was done by using the legitimacy of the oppressed Kurdish people.

THE KURDISH NATIONALIST MOVEMENT USED THE CONDITIONS CREATED BY THE SYRIAN STATE’S STRUGGLE AGAINST IMPERIALISM AND ITS COLLABORATORS!

The Exploitation of Objective Conditions and the Canton Illusion (2011–2013)

When the imperialist destabilisation operation began in Syria, the BAAS government entered into a life-and-death struggle with Western- and Gulf-backed jihadist gangs — al-Nusra and others — along the western and southern borders.

Because of objective military necessities, the Syrian Arab Army was forced to loosen or withdraw its presence from Kurdish-populated areas in the north of the country.

The PYD/YPG, the PKK’s Syrian front, used the objective vacuum created by what the article describes as the Syrian people’s great sacrifices in the anti-imperialist resistance not to establish a common defence front with the Syrian people, but opportunistically to secure gains on a nationalist basis by declaring cantons.

THE FRONT KEPT OPPORTUNISM WITHIN THE RANKS OF REVOLUTION

It kept it on an anti-imperialist and anti-fascist line, within the ranks of armed and illegal struggle, within the ranks of resistance.

Kurdish nationalism turned opportunism into US soldiers and carried it towards reformism and parliamentarism.

THE TURKISH LEFT BLINDLY TAILED THE PKK!

The praise of the “Rojava Revolution” during this process was, according to the article, an illusion lacking a class basis.

Reformist sections of the Turkish left and petty-bourgeois left circles unable to distance themselves from nationalism abandoned class analysis from the outset by greeting this nationalist move as a “revolution” without analysing the condition of the productive forces or relations of production.

KOBANI (2014) WAS AN IDEOLOGICAL BANKRUPTCY FOR THE TURKISH LEFT!

During this period, the “War Against ISIS” became an ideological distortion.

ISIS’s brutal assault on Ayn al-Arab — Kobani — created a historical and global area of legitimacy for the PKK/YPG line.

The brutal attacks of ISIS were transformed into an ideological cover concealing what the article describes as the bourgeois-nationalist character of the YPG.

US IMPERIALISM DECLARED THE YPG ITS GROUND FORCE!

During the siege, US imperialism began supplying the YPG with ammunition and weapons from the air.

US imperialism officially described the YPG as:

“our ground force in the field.”

A large section of the Turkish left, whose class perspective and anti-imperialist consciousness had, according to the text, been paralysed, used the people’s justified anger against ISIS for the benefit of bourgeois nationalism.

A war conducted alongside US air strikes was described as a “revolution”.

The opportunist left, by violating what the article describes as the most basic Leninist principle — that revolution cannot be made with the weapons of imperialism — directly tailed bourgeois ideology.

The Turkish left became acquainted with armed struggle and people’s war through Mahir and the THKP-C.

THKP-C, THKO and TKP-ML formed the armed revolutionary front of Anatolia.

Following the fascist juntas of 12 March and 12 September, deviations also took place among organisations that had belonged to the armed revolutionary front.

The 12 September junta was unable to completely force the Turkish left into submission.

It could not liquidate armed struggle.

It could not liquidate resistance in the prisons.

The article says that this was made possible by Devrimci Sol and DHKP-C.

Devrimci Sol’s campaign:

“The Fascist Junta Cannot Force 45 Million People into Submission”

became a barricade against exile and surrender.

Our resistance in the junta prisons against all the fascist policies aimed at forcing us into submission;

Our 1984 Death Fast Resistance against the imposition of the single-type uniform;

Our insistence on armed struggle and our decision for the Offensive;

Our development of armed struggle in the countryside and the cities;

Our 1996 Death Fast Resistance;

Our principle of never surrendering during sieges, and our martyrs who fell fighting;

Our militant and uncompromising line in the democratic struggle…

These, according to the text, ensured that the Turkish left remained within the revolutionary front.

It also argues that organisations such as TKP-ML and MLKP were kept within anti-fascist and anti-imperialist ranks, conducting illegal struggle, some of it armed.

In the late 1990s and 2000s, when the compromise, surrender and liquidation policies of opportunism, reformism and particularly Kurdish nationalism began becoming more influential, these organisations followed behind Kurdish nationalism.

The destination to which Kurdish nationalism brought these organisations, according to the article, was collaboration with imperialism, becoming soldiers of the United States and sinking into the swamp of parliamentarism.

In Rojava, they attempted to conceal this collaborationism through claims of revolution.

Yet, according to the article, the definition of revolution is clear for everyone who calls themselves Marxist-Leninist.

Revolution is the organisation of a more advanced mode of production.

To call the transformation of a country into a new colony of the United States a revolution is described as the shamelessness of opportunism.

The reality of Rojava becoming an adviser to Sharaa is before the eyes of the entire world.

It is no longer possible to continue calling it a revolution with the same recklessness as before.

Look at what Atılım newspaper now says:

“From Lenin’s words concerning the NEP, which had to be implemented under difficult conditions — ‘We must tell the masses the truth; this is a step backwards for our revolution’ — there has been a tradition followed by revolutionary generations passionately committed to revolution throughout the world.

Today, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, in a geography such as the Middle East, our Rojava Revolution, established and defended at great cost and an inspiration to the peoples of the world, has suffered a defeat without being defeated.

Imperialism-backed HTS and regional collaborationist forces such as the fascist chiefdom regime are carrying out a major assault against the social gains and memory of the revolution.

But preserving the gains of the defeated revolution requires holding firmly to the revolutionary programme and revolutionary politics and expanding the struggle.

Revolutions can be defeated and forced to retreat; but what remains permanent is the will and determination to continue the revolutionary struggle under every condition.

Because revolution and socialism are humanity’s only path to salvation.”

(Atılım, 11 September 2026, Issue 283)

The article responds:

How much more reckless can you be?

They even call Lenin as their witness.

How much more disrespectful can you be?

The NEP was a method adopted in order to prepare the conditions for the transition to socialism.

In the Soviet Union, political power belonged to the proletariat.

The NEP was a method used under the dictatorship of the proletariat to construct the economic foundations of socialism.

Elements of the capitalist market economy were used under the control of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

It was a planned process with a beginning and an end.

It was a process that strengthened the revolution.

It was a process that created the material foundations of socialism.

The NEP was a necessity.

Are you telling us that collaboration with the United States and becoming Sharaa’s adviser is also a “necessity”?

Do not take the words Marxism-Leninism into your mouths and dirty them.

Do not take Lenin’s name into your mouths and dirty it.

Are you preparing the conditions for revolution under the orders of the United States and Sharaa?

What does Lenin say?

“We must tell the masses the truth.”

You claim to take him as your example — then why do you lie to the masses?

Shame on you.

What revolution?

What revolutionary programme?

If soldiers of the United States could make revolutions, there would be revolutions in 172 countries of the world.

What kind of revolutionaries are you?

Carnation revolutionaries?

“Colour revolution” revolutionaries?

Stop lying.

Stop lying to the people.

The entire world of the petty bourgeoisie is about becoming a power.

It wants political power regardless of how it is achieved.

It wants a share of the power of imperialism.

You followed Rojava and the Kurdish nationalists in order to become a power.

You followed them in order to get a single MP into parliament.

This is where you have ended up.

If you have even a little respect for the memory of your comrades who died in Rojava, at least say that they did not die for this.

You are in a swamp.

Self-criticism is the way out.

The more you struggle inside it, the deeper you will sink.

THE TRICK OF CHANGING NAMES AND THE OCCUPATION OF ARAB LANDS THROUGH THE SDF (2015–2017)

Just as the United States had HTS change its name in order to legitimise it, it dealt with the YPG in the same way.

Just as al-Nusra changed its name to HTS in order to gain legitimacy, the YPG also changed its name to the Syrian Democratic Forces — SDF — on the orders and advice of US generals in order to erase the image of being a “terrorist organisation” that caused problems in the imperialist world and to enable it to occupy Arab lands.

THE SDF LOOTED THE MATERIAL INFRASTRUCTURE — OIL AND WHEAT — ON BEHALF OF US IMPERIALISM!

Using the excuse of clearing out ISIS and advancing on US orders, the SDF/YPG expanded into Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor and Hasakah — entirely Arab and tribal regions where there was no Kurdish population.

Under the guns of imperialism, it seized the oil wells and enormous wheat silos east of the Euphrates, the lifeblood of the Syrian people and the foundation of their food and energy independence.

As the Syrian state’s economic sovereignty and material infrastructure were undermined, working people in Damascus were condemned to hunger, fuel shortages and poverty.

This became one of the reasons for the increasing weakening of the Syrian state.

Even after the presence of ISIS in the region lost its justification, US imperialism did not withdraw.

Under SDF/YPG protection, nearly 50 US and NATO military bases were established on Syrian territory.

The Kurdish nationalist movement became, according to the article, the physical guard of imperialism in the region — a garrison statelet.

The bourgeois bureaucracy that developed on the basis of Kurdish nationalism signed secret concession agreements handing Syria’s public oil resources to Western imperialist energy companies.

The source argues that its class dimension was completely liquidated and it was transformed into a mercenary collaborationist army whose budget was directly paid by US imperialism.

HTS–PKK COLLABORATION IN THE LOOTING OF SYRIA (2024–2026)

With the liquidation of the BAAS government from the Syrian state apparatus, the seating of gang leader Sharaa in power in Damascus and the beginning of negotiations with Israel over “security agreements”, the SDF/YPG also moved towards negotiations in order to preserve its position within the new imperialist neo-colonial order.

They have become accomplices of the illegitimate government that has been established.

THE SDF/YPG, TOGETHER WITH THE HTS GANG OCCUPYING SYRIAN TERRITORY, IS AN ILLEGITIMATE PARTNER IN THE SYRIAN STATE!

HTS, SDF AND YPG ARE NOT THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE SYRIAN PEOPLE!

THEY ARE NOT THE LEGITIMATE STATE OF SYRIA!

THEY ARE ILLEGITIMATE! THEY OCCUPIED SYRIAN TERRITORY BY FORCE ON THE ORDERS OF US IMPERIALISM!

THEY WERE BROUGHT TO POWER BY US IMPERIALISM!

The PKK bears as much responsibility as HTS for the massacres in Syria, particularly against the Alawite people, for the territories occupied by Israel and for the handing over of Syria’s underground and above-ground wealth.

THE SYRIAN PEOPLE WILL ONE DAY DEFINITELY HOLD THESE COLLABORATORS TO ACCOUNT!

THE KURDISH PEOPLE WILL DEFINITELY SEE THIS REALITY AND WILL STRUGGLE TOGETHER WITH THE SYRIAN PEOPLE AGAINST THE COLLABORATORS!

The opportunist and reformist left, no less than the PKK, has ideologically collapsed.

The PKK has gone down in history, according to the text, as imperialism’s accomplice in Syria.

The opportunist and reformist Turkish left has also become part of this responsibility.

HTS and the PKK/SDF/YPG are described as two collaborationist forces that opened Syria’s doors completely to imperialism, neo-colonised the country, enabled Israel to begin occupying Syrian territory and surrendered the sovereignty and wealth of the Syrian people to US imperialism.

Today, both are held responsible in the article for the occupation of Syria.

ON THE LANDS OF ANATOLIA, REVOLUTIONARIES WILL NEVER ALLOW SUCH COLLABORATIONISM OR THE OCCUPATION OF ANATOLIAN TERRITORY!

Imperialism has a problem of legitimacy.

In order to establish legitimacy, it has always used the lie that it is bringing democracy to oppressed peoples.

Even Hitler fascism used the words “National Socialist” in order to create legitimacy for itself.

In our country, religion and nationalism are two of the most powerful methods of attack used by imperialism and its collaborators.

NATO’s programme to establish a corps in our country is another method of carrying out the process experienced in Syria.

They want to send the children of the people into war zones using the lie that they are protecting them from neighbouring and friendly peoples.

Because they have no blood of their own to spill, they will once again use our children against peoples just like us.

They again want to legitimise this under the appearance of the left.

They occupied Libya, Iraq and Syria using demagogy about “Dictator Assad, Gaddafi and Saddam”.

Now it is Iran’s turn.

THE KURDISH NATIONALIST MOVEMENT HAS TAKEN ON THE TASK OF LEGITIMISING AKP FASCISM IN OUR COUNTRY!

US IMPERIALISM AGAIN WANTS TO LEGITIMISE ITS ATTACK ON IRAN THROUGH THE KURDISH NATIONALIST MOVEMENT!

They want to enter Iranian territory using the lie that they are going to “save the 10 million Kurdish people living in Iran”.

THE PEOPLE OF ANATOLIA AND THE IRANIAN PEOPLE HAVE ONE COMMON ENEMY — US IMPERIALISM!

WE MUST STRUGGLE TOGETHER AGAINST OUR COMMON ENEMY!

We must organise in order to prevent what happened in Syria from happening in our country!

We must establish People’s Committees, People’s Assemblies and People’s Militias!

All the peoples living on the lands of Anatolia — Turkish, Kurdish, Laz, Arab, Circassian, Georgian and Roma — must unite and drive imperialism from their lands!

Below is the list given in the source of those from the Turkish left who died in Rojava while serving as US soldiers in uniforms carrying US flags. Many of the organisations listed have not lost this many people in the revolutionary struggle in Turkey itself.

SOCIAL FREEDOM PARTY INITIATIVE — TÖPG

1.           Kadriye (Kader) Ortakaya

COMMUNIST LABOUR PARTY OF TURKEY/LENINIST — TKEP/L

1.           Emre Bora (Sinan Ateş)

2.           Kenan Aktaş (Taylan Demircioğlu)

COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY/MARXIST-LENINIST — TKP/ML-TİKKO

1.           Nubar Ozanyan (Fermun Çırak)

2.           Lorenzo Orsetti (Tekoşer Piling)

PEOPLE’S LIBERATION PARTY-FRONT OF TURKEY / MARXIST-LENINIST ARMED PROPAGANDA UNION — THKP-C/MLSPB

1.           Fırat Çaplık (Alper Çakas)

2.           Fırat Yıldırım (Tamer Kasabalı)

3.           Muhammed Tiril (Mahir Ernesto)

4.           Umut Özsepet

5.           Mahir Arpaçay (Tamer Arda)

6.           Muhammed Arslan (Kadir Tandoğan)

7.           Ramazan Güleken (Ulaş Bardakçı)

REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNARDS PARTY / UNITY–UNITED FREEDOM FORCES — DKP-BÖG

1.           Aziz Güler (Rasih Kurtuluş)

2.           Bedrettin Akdeniz (Suphi Soreş)

3.           Özge Bali (İdil Güler)

4.           Asiye Özlahlan (Zahide Rosa Suk)

5.           Cenk Kılagöz (Cömert Nazif Efe)

6.           Yusufbaş Akay (Cihan Efe)

7.           Özge Aydın (Ceren Güneş)

8.           Eylem Ataş (Cemre Heval)

9.           Gökhan Taşyakan (Ulaş Adalı)

10.         Göze Altunöz (Aynur Ada)

11.         Yasin Aydın (İmran Fırtına)

12.         Hakan Yılmaz (Partizan Amed)

13.         İbrahim Turgut (Halid Ebu Ruken)

14.         Görkem Tuğal (Nurhak Cem)

15.         Hüseyin Cem Özdemir (Bayram Ali Akdeniz)

16.         İbrahim Tufan Eroğluer (Hasan Ali)

17.         Michael Israel (Robin Agiri)

18.         Muzaffer Kandemir (Doğan Kırefe)

19.         Ulaş Bayraktaroğlu (Mehmet Kurnaz)

MARXIST-LENINIST COMMUNIST PARTY — MLKP

1.           Serkan Tosun

2.           Suphi Nejat Ağırnaslı (Paramaz Kızılbaş)

3.           Sibel Bulut (Sarya Özgür / Eylem Deniz)

4.           Oğuz Saruhan (Algan Zafir)

5.           Emre Aslan (Alişer Dersim)

6.           Halil Aksakal (Mazlum Aktaş)

7.           Ivana Hoffmann (Avaşin Tekoşin Güneş)

8.           Coşkun İnce (Tekoşer Kürdistan)

9.           Sinan Sağır (Suphi Garzan)

10.         İsmet Şahin (Pirsus Armane)

11.         Sevda Çağdaş (Raperin Dicle)

12.         Medine Özmen (Roza Rênas)

13.         Ayşe Deniz Karacagil (Destan Temmuz)

14.         Ruhat Aşkara (Boran Özgür)

15.         Erdal Demirhan (Özgür Avaroni)

16.         Sedak Akyüz (Zeynel Seyid Rıza)

17.         Şevin Söğüt (Sarin Awaz)

18.         Bayram Namaz (Baran Serhat)

19.         Kerem Pehlivan (Demhat Günebakan)

20.         Zilan Destan (Elende El Muhammed)

21.         Erkan Altun (Komünist Nefer)

22.         Okan Altunöz (İsyan Tolhildana Pirsûsê)

23.         Özgür Namoğlu (Firat Newal)

24.         Zeki Gürbüz (Ahmet Soreş)

25.         Welat Yıldız (Serfiraz Nidal)

26.         Ümit Tekin (Metîn Dîcle)

27.         Yasır Muhdi (Zagros Hesekê)

28.         Mihamed Ehmed (Qendîl Serêkaniyê)

29.         İbrahim Mihemmed El-Nasir (Kemal Pir)

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